At a hearing in the Italian Senate on Tuesday (8), the sociologist Daniel Taddone made a strong defense of Italian citizenship by descent, the so-called jus sanguinis, warning of the risks of the new decree-law that could restrict the rights of future generations. The intervention took place during discussions — in the Constitutional Affairs Committee — on the reform of citizenship legislation.
“The legislator’s intention was to maintain this link that persists over time,” said Taddone, who is an advisor to the CGIE (Consiglio Generale degli Italiani all’Estero). The phrase sums up the tone of a speech that, with emotion and historical precision, showed the role of descendants in maintaining Italianness outside the national territory.
Speaking via video conference from São Paulo – a city that is home to one of the largest communities of Italian origin in the world – Taddone recalled that pride in Italian heritage is alive in the daily lives of the diaspora, even when the language is no longer spoken.
“Even though many people don’t speak Italian perfectly, the idea of Italianness is very present,” he told senators.
Legal and historical defense of jus sanguinis
Taddone stressed that Italian laws have always recognized citizenship as a construction of emotional, legal and cultural bonds, never limited to the territory. “The legislator never wanted this, not in 1865, not in 1912, not in 1992,” he stated, reinforcing that the current decree breaks with this legal tradition by applying retroactivity, a practice that is contrary to Italian constitutional principles.
For him, the proposal represents a step backwards. “It simply wants to go back to the past and transform a large number of people into non-Italians,” he said, referring to descendants who could lose their right to citizenship.
Criticism of the government and appeal to Parliament
The tone of the speech rose when he criticized statements made by Minister Antonio Tajani. “He did not say a single positive word to our communities. We are profiteers, falsifiers, opportunists…”, lamented Taddone, recalling the way the diaspora was portrayed in the press conference about the decree.
In addition to pointing out flaws in the system for transcribing civil acts, which he considers archaic, he defended future measures, such as requiring proficiency in Italian. “Okay, if in five years we need to do a B1 citizenship with culture, we are committed and we will do it.”
Citizenship as soft power
Taddone also stressed the strategic role of the diaspora as a bridge of cultural and economic influence. “These new citizens are the top of the social pyramid in our countries,” he said, noting that many hold prominent positions and value Italian products and symbols. “We are not fake Italians, we are real Italians.”
His speech resonated not only as a technical criticism of the decree, but as an appeal to the Italian Parliament to preserve what history has built: a deep link between Italy and its descendants spread throughout the world.
In recent days, the Senate's Constitutional Affairs Committee has been hearing from jurists, scholars and representatives of civil society about the Bill for the Conversion of the Decree-Law No. 36/2025, which changes the rules of citizenship by descent, the jus sanguinis.
Among so many voices, Taddone's stood out for its balance, clarity and depth. He gave a lesson in Italian descent.
The surprise, however, was only his presence among the guests. His ability to express himself eloquently and in polished Italian was no surprise.
The full video can be seen at: senato.it/danieltaddone
Read the full speech
(Transcribed and translated with the help of AI)
Good morning everyone, I hope you are all well. So, I am speaking to you from São Paulo, Brazil. As you well know, it is one of the cities in the world with a very significant number of descendants of Italians, as is the case in the entire center-south of Brazil. This is a very large community. Obviously the numbers are not exact, but it is said that there are 30 or 40 million descendants, and I would like, of course, to make a contribution to this audience that is also somewhat personal, with a perhaps more intimate tone, and I apologize because I am not very familiar with these formal Senate headquarters, etc., so I apologize if I do something outside of protocol.
In any case, I believe it is important to remember our emigration. Even though this may seem surprising or shocking, I think it is necessary. Because even after so many years have passed, in our countries — here in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Australia and the United States — the love for Italy, even if it is an idea of Italy that perhaps no longer exists, is very present. It is in our daily lives, even though many do not speak Italian perfectly, or do not speak it at all. The idea of Italianness is present. It is in our daily lives. It appears, for example, when we go to a doctor's appointment and the secretary sees our Italian surname and asks: “Oh, are you also of Italian descent? My grandfather was from Molise, my grandfather was from Calabria.” And of course, as I said, perhaps this is a personal, emotional view of the situation, but it is important that Italy does not forget this heritage that exists in our diaspora societies. Because this heritage is much broader than perhaps Italians living in Italy can imagine, and the pride of being of Italian descent is very present in all our daily situations, from the simplest to the most complex.
As Dr. Marino Monaco said, when he spoke about the Italian communities in Argentina, I will talk a little about those in Brazil. And, for example, here next to me is my university diploma from the University of São Paulo, which is the largest in Latin America in terms of number of students and also ranks well among universities in the world. USP, for example, had many Italian professors in its early days. One of them was Giuseppe Ungaretti. Of the last six rectors of the University of São Paulo, three are of Italian origin.
The person who filmed my graduation ceremony in 2003 was Adolfo Melfi, of Lucan origin. And many others followed. The current rector of the University of São Paulo is Professor Carlotti. So this heritage exists and should be highly valued by Italy, including as part of its soft power in the world. Why? Because, while Spain, Portugal, the United Kingdom and France had colonies and spread their language and culture throughout the world — including here in Brazil, where we speak Portuguese, and in other Latin American countries, where Spanish is spoken — Italy was unable to have colonies in the strictest sense of the word. But the idea of migratory colonialism, at the end of the XNUMXth century and beginning of the last century, was a very present policy in Italy. And this was also reflected in citizenship laws.
Many important figures in Italian history, such as Leone Carpi, Francesco Saverio Nitti, Luigi Einaudi, have relied on this migratory colonialism. And Italy's citizenship laws, both the Civil Code of 1865 and the law of 1912, were intended to maintain a persistent link with its diaspora.
In other words, the legislator's intention was to maintain this persistent bond over time. And even in the 1992 law, still in force, the legislator at that time maintained this principle of a lasting bond — because, I quote verbatim — it is about maintaining a legal bond, but also a cultural and sentimental bond built by citizens.
And why do I make this introduction? Because it is essential to understand that citizenship laws have had effects over time — according to the principle tempus regit actum — and these effects were desired by the legislators, they were not accidental consequences. And it is important to understand that laws should not deal with the past, only with the future. This is provided for in our Civil Code of 1865 and also in the one of 1942, still in force. And this decree-law, unfortunately, does not respect this principle, because it simply tries to go backwards and transform a multitude of people into “non-Italians”.
This heritage that I mention here — perhaps you cannot see it — but I proudly have with me a supplement of Italian Illustration which says: “The State of São Paulo, where one million Italians live.” It is an original copy from 1911, of which I am proud to be the owner. I also have a huge book that weighs more than 10 kilos, with more than a thousand pages, called Brazil and the Italians, which contains an immense amount of data and a heritage that Italy absolutely cannot forget.
Now I also want to talk about the decree in a more personal way. I am a second-generation Italian. I have a nine-year-old daughter named Filippa, who is Italian. My wife is also an Italian citizen. There are three of us in the family. But if we want to expand our family and have another child, the senators and other people who have read this decree know that I will no longer be able to pass on my citizenship to this unborn child. It would be the great-grandchild of an Italian born in Italy. And I have never had the opportunity to live two uninterrupted years in Italy — I have lived in two different periods, but never for two continuous years.
As you can see, I speak Italian. And these situations are not unique, there are many. So how is it possible that a decree-law, overnight, simply cancels my possibility of passing on my citizenship to a new child? Does that seem fair? Is that treating the Italian citizenship seriously? Forbid me from passing on my citizenship to an unborn child? Unfortunately, I cannot live in Italy for two years. My life is here, my work is here and I intend to stay here.
The idea of territoriality was never part of the Italian citizenship. The legislature never intended this—not in 1865, not in 1912, not in 1992. So how can we now do a 180-degree turnaround overnight?
Another point: Minister Tajani, in his 18-minute and 27-second press conference, did not say a single positive word about our communities. We are treated as profiteers, counterfeiters, opportunists… This is an open wound with our diaspora that I believe will be difficult to heal. I hope that Parliament can do this, because it was very sad to attend a press conference designed only to completely denigrate our diaspora.
As for the “sale” of citizenships — obviously there are anomalies, perhaps serious ones, and I understand that. But these agencies do not sell citizenship, they sell services. And why do these services exist? Because there is demand. Perhaps the State could create other ways, which have not yet been implemented. Why are municipalities overwhelmed? Because Italy has a completely archaic system for transcribing civil acts. If someone were to analyze it, they would realize that this is absurd for the year 2025, with all the technology we have. Copying a foreign civil status act from start to finish, instead of computerizing the process, as Spain, Portugal and so many other countries do, is simply unsustainable.
So, several opportunities for reform were lost, and now we have this decree-law that wants to go back to the past to remove the status civitatis of countless people — including a possible unborn child of mine.
I want to draw attention to two points, if I still have time.
Doctor, we've been a little overdue. If you could conclude, please.
One minute, thank you.
Spain made a small reform of its citizenship in 2002, and Germany in 2000. Why do I mention these two cases? Because in both cases the effects were future.
Therefore, I hope that our Parliament understands that these people, already born, have already been invested with the Italian citizenship, and we cannot use the retroactivity of the law to legislate in this sense. What can be done — and I invite you to do so — is to create mechanisms for the loss of citizenship for people who do not maintain an effective bond. But this must have effects in the future. For example, an Italian language test could be instituted for the future. If the person, within 5, 8 or 10 years — this is up to the legislator to decide — takes, for example, a specific Italian language exam, there would be several possibilities.
If we want to follow the reforms made in other European states, we will see that the effects were always future.
Therefore, I ask the senators and everyone who will watch: our diaspora is willing to form a new pact of coexistence, but respecting the non-retroactivity of the law and our rights, which should not be taken away from one day to the next. Thank you very much.
Thank you, doctor.
Now there may be questions, we need to move on. Are there any colleagues with questions?
Your testimony was very broad and enlightening.
It's not a question, it's a compliment to Dr. Taddone, who I didn't know, but I think he raised the issues very clearly and simply, including the effects of the law.
But I would like to understand if Dr. Taddone spoke on behalf of the CGIE or as president of the Natitaliani Association? Because he is not an official representative of the CGIE, right? But he is an advisor to the CGIE, so that's fine. We will not consider him at fault for that. So he speaks as president of the Natitaliani Association.
Somebody else?
No? Then just this observation. Please, doctor.
Are you listening to me?
Yes, yes, sorry.
There are no other questions, so just this observation.
Please.
Yes yes.
I was invited and, of course, it is an honor. Also because I am the president of this association that seeks, if I may say so, to safeguard the right to citizenship of the diaspora. I am also an advisor to the CGIE, but I am not speaking here as an advisor, but as a representative of the large Italian community in Brazil — I might even say in South America.
I want to reaffirm that we are ready for a new pact of coexistence between Italy and its diaspora, and that the Italian Parliament can honor the will of the legislators who preceded them, respecting this law and the effects it has produced over time. And, if it is to create a new law, it must allow those who wish to maintain the link to do so.
Because unfortunately, the decree-law, contrary to what some say, completely severs the bond. I repeat: I, a second-generation Italian, will no longer be able to pass on my citizenship to any child that may be born, and this is the case for many, many people.
And if I may conclude, the generational limit is the least intelligent way to try to filter new citizenships. I know our Italian communities here in Brazil very well — I have been working on this topic for 32 years, since 1993 — and I have met many children of citizens born in Italy who do not speak Italian. Many! And I have met great-grandchildren, great-great-grandchildren of Italians who speak Italian, or a dialect.
Do we really want to use the generational limit as a criterion? That is not smart. If we want to introduce future requirements for language, culture or knowledge of Italian civilization, we are ready to accept that. I spoke to many people and many said: OK, if in five years we need a B1 in Italian with cultural knowledge, we will prepare ourselves and we will do it.
If the problem is language, if we need to demonstrate this link with Italianness, let's do it. That's why I ask the senators who are listening to us: in the future, our communities in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Venezuela, are ready to participate in the national community, even with a language test, if necessary.
If I may say one more thing quickly: it is important to understand that these new citizens, this new wave of citizens, are at the top of the social pyramid in our countries. These almost one million Italians living in Brazil, more than one million in Argentina, are people of great value, they represent a soft power for Italy — and perhaps Italy has not yet realized this. Here, when someone goes to the supermarket and sees an Italian product, they obviously prefer the Italian product, even if they do not speak Italian perfectly.
But this passion for Italy exists, it is not fake, we are not fake Italians, we are real Italians — and this is felt in our communities. The important thing is to have this sensitivity to understand who we are and that we are here for Italy, even outside of it, always ready to love, always ready to carry the name of Italy throughout the world.
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